Prethodnik: nitko: Nasljednik: Liu Shaoqi: Generalni sekretar Komunisti Komunismus (z latinsk 1971: asistent na katedre pracovn AI SECCION Ciltote dleclocho losN al servlco de los ntr-oM gemnealee y permanence d* a 0 porfddcAo a ad infhguo do bhble Cam Unilqa do. The Socialist International (SI) is a worldwide association of political parties, most of which seek to establish democratic socialism. It consists mostly of. Fourth International - Wikipedia. The Fourth International (FI) is the Communist international organisation consisting of followers of Leon Trotsky, or Trotskyists, with the declared goal of helping the working class bring about socialism and work toward international communism. The Fourth International was established in France in 1. Trotsky and his supporters, having been expelled from the Soviet Union, considered the Comintern or Third International to have become . Throughout the better part of its existence, the Fourth International was hounded by agents of the Soviet secret police, repressed by capitalist countries such as France and the United States and rejected by followers of the Soviet Union and later Maoism as illegitimate. It struggled to maintain contact under these conditions of simultaneous illegality and scorn around much of the world during World War II, because when workers' uprisings did occur, they were usually under the influence of Soviet- inspired, anarchist, social democratic, Maoist, or militant nationalist groups, leading to further defeats for the FI and its Trotskyists, who never gathered similar support. Ideologically, Maoists, left communists, and anarchists all consider Trotskyism, and thus also the Fourth International, to be ideologically bankrupt and impotent. Despite this, many parts of Latin America and Europe continue to have large Trotskyist groupings, with followings both young and old, who are attracted to its . The Fourth International (FI) is the Communist international organisation consisting of followers of Leon Trotsky, or Trotskyists, with the declared goal of helping. Zde je prostor pro Va. Quite a few of these groups carry the label . It has not succeeded in capitalizing on the renewed interest in socialism and does not operate as a cohesive entity in the manner of the prior internationals. The FI suffered a major split in 1. A partial reunification occurred in 1. Trotskyists' response to that situation has been in the form of its broad array of Trotskyist Internationals, almost all of whom are bitterly divided over which organisation represents the . Trotsky advocated proletarian revolution as set out in his theory of . This theory was advanced in opposition to the view held by the Stalinists that . They argued that socialism without democracy is impossible. Thus, faced with the increasing lack of democracy in the Soviet Union, they concluded that it was no longer a socialist workers' state, but a degenerated workers' state. They opposed the bureaucratisation of the Soviet Union, which they analysed as being partly caused by the poverty and isolation of the Soviet economy. Prior to 1. 92. 4, the Bolsheviks' international perspective had been guided by Trotsky's position. Trotsky argued that Stalin's theory represented the interests of bureaucratic elements in direct opposition to the working class. Eventually Trotsky was sent into internal exile and his supporters were jailed. The Left Opposition, however, continued to work in secret within the Soviet Union. He moved from there to France, Norway, and finally to Mexico. There had been a long tradition of socialists organising on an international basis, and Karl Marx had led the International Workingmen's Association, which later became known as the . This, in turn, was disbanded in 1. World War I. Although the organisation reformed in 1. Labour and Socialist International, supporters of the October Revolution and the Bolsheviks had already set up the Communist International (Comintern), which they regarded as the Third International. Their recognition of the importance of these earlier Internationals was coupled with a belief that they eventually degenerated. Although the Socialist International and Comintern were still in existence, the Trotskyists did not believe those organisations were capable of supporting revolutionary socialism and internationalism. Trotsky believed that its formation was all the more urgent for the role he saw it playing in the impending World War. They organised themselves into the International Left Opposition in 1. Stalinist dissenters within the Third International. Stalin's supporters, who dominated the International, would no longer tolerate dissent. All Trotskyists, and those suspected of being influenced by Trotskyism, were expelled. By 1. 93. 5 he claimed that the Comintern had fallen irredeemably into the hands of the Stalinist bureaucracy. Three of those parties joined the Left Opposition in signing a document written by Trotsky calling for a Fourth International, which became known as the . This group prioritised regroupment with other communist oppositions, principally the International Communist Opposition (ICO), linked to the Right Opposition in the Soviet Party, a regroupment which eventually led to the formation of the International Bureau for Revolutionary Socialist Unity. Trotsky considered those organisations to be centrist. Despite Trotsky, the Spanish section merged with the Spanish section of ICO, forming the Workers' Party of Marxist Unification (POUM). Trotsky claimed the merger was to be a capitulation to centrism. In the letter, he called for the urgent formation of a Fourth International. It was argued that the Third International had now degenerated completely and was therefore to be seen as a counter- revolutionary organisation that would in time of crisis defend capitalism. Trotsky believed that the coming World War would produce a revolutionary wave of class and national struggles, rather as World War I had done. Mined in Canada and cut by master diamond artisans. A new benchmark for Canadian diamonds. 100% pure brilliance. Ales - 27/4/2009 - 11:43. It saw these arising from a revolutionary wave which would develop alongside and as a result of the coming World War. Thirty delegates attended a founding conference, held in September 1. Alfred Rosmer just outside Paris. Present at the meeting were delegates from all the major countries of Europe, and from North America, although for reasons of cost and distance, few delegates attended from Asia or Latin America. An International Secretariat was established, with many of the day's leading Trotskyists and most countries in which Trotskyists were active represented. It is not, however, the definitive programme of the Fourth International . The resident International Executive Committee failed to meet, largely because of a struggle in the U. S. Socialist Workers Party (SWP) between Trotsky's supporters and the tendency of Max Shachtman, Martin Abern and James Burnham. The secretariat was composed of those committee members who happened to be in the city, most of whom were co- thinkers of Shachtman. Shachtman and Burnham's tendency resigned from the International in early 1. SWP's members, many of whom became founder members of the Workers Party. It adopted a manifesto drafted by Trotsky shortly before his murder and a range of policies on the work of the International, including one calling for the reunification of the then- divided Fourth Internationalist groups in Britain. Cannon later said that he did not believe the split to be definitive and final, the two groups did not reunite. Trotsky was assassinated, many of the FI's European affiliates were destroyed by the Nazis and several of its Asian affiliates were destroyed by the Empire of Japan. The survivors, in Europe, Asia and elsewhere, were largely cut off from each other and from the International Secretariat. The new secretary, Jean Van Heijenoort (also known as Gerland), was able to do little more than publish articles in the SWP's theoretical journal Fourth International. Navy who had cause to visit Marseilles. In December 1. 94. SWP's view as underestimating the rising prestige of Stalinism and the opportunities for the capitalists to use democratic concessions. The conference appointed a new European Secretariat and elected Michel Raptis, a Greek resident in France also known as Michel Pablo, the organisational secretary of its European Bureau. Raptis and other bureau members re- established contact between the Trotskyist parties. The European conference extended the lessons of a revolution then unfolding in Italy, and concluded that a revolutionary wave would cross Europe as the war ended. Initially, they encouraged party members to vote out their leaderships. They supported Gerry Healy's opposition in the RCP. In France, they backed elements, including Pierre Frank and Marcel Bleibtreu, opposed to the new leadership of the PCI . At first, the International held that, while the USSR was a degenerated workers' state, the post- World War II East European states were still bourgeois entities, because revolution from above was not possible, and capitalism persisted. This was initially denied by Mandel (who was quickly forced to revise his opinion, and later devoted his Ph. D dissertation to late capitalism, analysing the unexpected . Mandel's perspective mirrored uncertainty at that time about the future viability and prospects of capitalism, not just among all Trotskyist groups, but also among leading economists. Paul Samuelson had envisaged in 1. It debated a range of resolutions on the Jewish Question, Stalinism, the colonial countries and the specific situations facing sections in certain countries. These included such significant groups as the Revolutionary Workers' Party of Bolivia and the Lanka Sama Samaja Party in what was then Ceylon. The British RCP, led by Jock Haston and supported by Ted Grant, were highly critical of this move. These states were then described as deformed workers states in an analogy with the degenerated workers state in Russia. The term deformed was used rather than degenerated, because no workers' revolution had led to the foundation of these states. Given the supposed closeness of war, the FI thought that the Communist Parties and social democratic parties would be the only significant force that could defend the workers of the world against the imperialist camp in those countries where there were mass forces. For example, it meant that the project of building an open and independent Trotskyist party was shelved in France, because it was regarded as not politically feasible alongside entry into the French Communist Party.
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